Showing posts with label scottish secession. Show all posts
Showing posts with label scottish secession. Show all posts

Sunday, October 20, 2024

Alex Salmond is Dead

Alex Salmond, former Scottish First Minister and champion of Scotland's secession movement, has died. All of the following news links are from the BBC.

  • Salmond family pay tribute to 'devoted and loving' man
  • 'Time stopped' after Salmond collapsed at conference
  • Alex Salmond: Champion of independence leaves a fractured political legacy
  • Key moments of Alex Salmond's career... in 107 seconds
  • Alex Salmond obituary: A man and a politician of contradictions
  • Scotland's former First Minister Alex Salmond dies age 69
  • Tom Hunter pays for plane to bring Alex Salmond's body home
  • Salmond's body to be brought home on private flight
  • Alex Salmond's body arrives back in Scotland

    It's vulgar to speak ill of the dead, but personally, I won't miss him. This is my favorite photo of him: dejected, after his asinine secession referendum lost by a solid margin.


    Alex Salmond was dishonest, and fought tirelessly for a change of affairs that would have left Scotland politically, economically, and culturally weak. Oh, yeah, and he once got kicked off of a British Airways flight because he attempted to travel under the pseudonym "James Kirk" instead of his real name. I won't miss him, at all.
  • Sunday, November 14, 2021

    FarNorth Podcast Episodes

    I've been spending some time on the roads outside our town, largely to give the dog some enrichment. In my last post, I mentioned that I'd been listening to the FarNorth Podcast, and my recent drives have given me the opportunity to listen to three such episodes: Politics with Gail Ross MSP, Highlands Food with Andy Waugh, and Scots Language with Alistair Heather. Each of these are worth a listen, and having been absent from Scotland for nearly eight years now, it's refreshing to hear about locales that aren't so far away from my old stomping grounds.

    The interview with Gail Ross was interesting, and I'll admit that it left me a bit conflicted. Ms. Ross is a member of the Scottish National Party, and I've been rather vocal in my disapproval of the party writ large, its leaders, and its secessionist agenda. I don't think that Ms. Ross laid it on too thick - in fact, for an SNP MSP, she was probably more balanced than one might expect - but it still left me feeling as if the whole thing was a bit unbalanced. It's a hard balance to strike, because the question of whether or not to secede remains the omnipresent question in Scottish politics. Conversely, the "once in a lifetime" referendum of 2014 resulted in a resounding defeat, so the SNP's insistence on continuing to posture for it continues to rankle me.

    More to come.

    Thursday, November 11, 2021

    Back in the Saddle? Here's Hoping

    As I mentioned over at Beyond the Joshua Tree, I'd like to resume blogging. Will I be able to? Well, that depends upon my ability to consolidate some projects, and to complete some others. One project that offers a partial explanation for my absence, and which is difficult or impossible to consolidate into other projects, is our two-year-old Weimaraner, Tango. He's been amazing, probably added years to my life, and greatly adjusted my outlook on the world; but he consumes a lot - a lot - of time and effort.

    Rather than just blathering about myself, I wanted to take a few minutes to bring a couple of podcasts to your attention. One of these is the Far North podcast, which focuses on topics involving the Scottish Highlands and Islands region. You can find it here... Or, if you're an Apple Podcasts person, you can find it here. Or, if you want to go directly to the feed, you can find that right here. Oh, and if you're like me, and you'd rather have the actual mp3 links for downloading, that would be right here.

    I also wanted to share this podcast from The Guardian, and you can download it directly here. I spent several years blathering on about the Scottish National Party and their ill-advised policy of seeking to secede from the United Kingdom. I found the inside story of turmoil between the current and prior First Ministers to be entirely fascinating, though not surprising.

    More to come, fingers crossed!

    Friday, October 20, 2017

    Nationalizing Northlink? Not So Fast!

    When I was yet in Scotland (and even thereafter), I wrote extensively about Scottish ferries, particularly those serving Orkney and Shetland. This week, Around Orkney featured an interview with a representative from the Rail, Maritime, and Transport (RMT) union, which is advocating for the nationalization of the Northern Isles ferry services that serve Orkney and Shetland. I have to be honest: the idea that anyone would actually suggest this sort of boggles my mind.

    To the members of my American audience who may be reading this (and who may not be familiar with the term), "nationalization" means that the government takes over a private enterprise and runs it. So, for example, Social Security is a nationalized pension program. It denotes the running of a service or production effort as a function of the government.

    The Scottish Government, which has been held by the Scottish National Party (SNP) for many years (see also: prior discussion of the SNP), has come under frequent criticism by Orkney and Shetland for treating the Northern Isles as an afterthought. This sentiment mirrors that in other areas of Scotland. To vastly oversimplify matters: the bulk of the SNP's voters reside in the "Central Belt" between Glasgow and Edinburgh, and those areas get budgetary priority from the SNP. As I've noted previously, the SNP has consolidated things like police control centers (about which I've posted before, and which continue). Rural Scots have regularly expressed their worries that this consolidation, which eliminates local knowledge and institutional memory, would result in diminished service. That contingency seems to be playing out through incidents such as the mistaken dispatch of an air ambulance to Shetland when it was supposed to have gone to Orkney. The trend continues in other sectors, such as Highlands and Islands Airports investigating the possibility of introducing "centralised surveillance" (which I think means consolidation).

    The BBC also reported this week that despite the controversies about subsidies for the Northern Isles ferries connecting Orkney and Shetland with Scrabster and Aberdeen; and the inter-island ferries connecting the various Orcadian and Shetlandic islands; the Scottish ferry services have enjoyed a doubling of their overall subsidies in the last decade. So, it sounds as if more money is being thrown at ferries, but that money isn't getting to Orkney or Shetland.

    Basically, when you add all of this up, nationalizing the Northern Isles ferry services sounds like a fantastic way to get a ferry service that takes passengers straight from the Firth of Clyde, up through the Minch, through the Pentland Firth, and on down past Aberdeen and into the Firth of Forth, and back again. But, what do I know?

    Monday, March 13, 2017

    Reaction to the Proposal for Another Scottish Secession Referendum

  • BBC: Scottish independence: Nicola Sturgeon to seek second referendum
  • BBC: PM: SNP 'tunnel vision' over independence 'deeply regrettable'
  • UK Government for Scotland Facebook Page: The UK Government Response to the First Minister
  • Sky News: British public opposes second Scottish referendum - Sky Data poll

    I suspect that Scots get as frustrated with me commenting on Scottish politics as I get when folk in the United Kingdom comment on American politics. Even so, I find myself hard pressed to explain why the SNP is angling for another referendum. I may comment on it further in the coming weeks and months, or I may leave well enough alone; but it didn't seem right not to post a little something on this occasion.
  • Tuesday, July 5, 2016

    Scottish Secession: The Brexit Factor

    Not quite two weeks ago, in a high turnout election, the United Kingdom voted to leave the European Union. One of the potential second order effects that's been discussed is a second Scottish secession referendum. I've spoken with Gray 1 up in Orkney, and The Director in Aberdeen, and wanted to share some thoughts, mainly on the prospects for a second Scottish referendum.

    Politics: While the Scottish National Party (SNP) still control the Scottish Parliament, they recently lost their majority and a great deal of political capital. The previous referendum campaign was premised upon the SNP's majority, so the fact that the SNP has lost that majority, and the referendum (and not narrowly), doesn't bode well for another referendum. Based upon politics, the prospects for Scottish secession have not improved since the referendum, and have probably deteriorated.

    Currency: During the 2014 referendum, the "Yes!" campaign claimed that an independent Scotland would retain the pound as part of a currency union, while the "Better Together" campaign and UK government denied that there was any prospect of this. If Scotland seceded in order to join the EU, a sterling-based currency union would be impossible, and Scotland would likely be saddled either with the Euro, or with its own national currency. At present, the sterling is down, but it has historically been stronger than the euro and is likely to rebound in the long term. Based upon currency, the prospects for Scottish secession are worse in 2016 than they were at the time of the referendum.

    Borders: According to The Director, if Scotland were to secede from an EU-independent UK, the remainder of the United Kingdom would have no choice but to erect a formal border between England and Scotland. This is especially true in light of the ongoing EU refugee crisis, which probably contributed significantly to the Brexit vote. While some of Scotland's trade and immigration is with the United Kingdom, most of Scotland's goods and people move between Scotland and England. Based upon borders, the prospects for Scottish secession are worse in 2016 than they were at the time of the referendum.

    Defense ("Defence"): The "Yes!" campaign made contradictory claims: that Scotland would evict the UK's Trident deterrent, but that Scotland would be grandfathered into NATO. NATO made it clear that Scotland would not be grandfathered into the alliance. The SNP has not softened its anti-Trident stance in the last two years, but Russia has become more aggressive by supplementing its pre-referendum intervention in Crimea with its post-referendum intervention in Syria. Occasional interceptions of Russian military aircraft violating NATO and UK airspace continue. Based upon defense ("defence"), the prospects for Scottish secession have not improved since the referendum, and have probably deteriorated.

    Energy: As I mentioned ad nauseum between 2012 and 2014, the "Yes!" campaign premised its case for secession upon high oil prices, which were going to be used to turn Scotland into a socialist welfare wonderland. In September of 2014, oil was averaging $95.85 per barrel, down from a high of 117.78 in March of 2012. At present, it's at $45.94, and the BBC News North East, Orkney, and Shetland feed posts several articles per week about how poorly the North Sea energy industry is doing. Since the energy industry downturn, there have been repeated observations in politics and the media about how inaccurate the SNP pronouncements were. Based upon Scotland's economy as a function of energy prices, the prospects for Scottish secession are much worse in 2016 than they were at the time of the referendum.

    Union: Finally, there's the state of the EU itself. The fact that the majority of the UK, narrow though that majority may have been, voted for secession is an indicator of the health of the EU. The more influential EU powerhouses, mainly Germany, have expended a great deal of political and financial capital in the last five years to keep the EU afloat, and particularly to keep bankrupt Greece and other nations in the EU. In addition, the migrant/refugee crisis and the problem of unsecured borders has strained the EU's credibility. Brexit may be a one-off, but it could also trigger referenda in some of the other backbone members whose economies the EU needs to survive. With this degree of uncertainty about the future viability of the EU, the temporarily chaotic British economy may very well be a better bet for Scots than a mad dash to reunite with Europe. Based upon the health of the EU, the prospects for Scottish secession are much worse in 2016 than they were at the time of the referendum.

    I don't know if there will be another referendum; and if there is one, I don't know how it will play out. What I do know is that, to quote one of my contacts, "The case for Scotland being an independent nation is now weaker than ever." I suspect that if Westminster can stall for long enough - and given that the SNP billed the 2014 referendum as a "once in a lifetime opportunity", that shouldn't be too difficult a proposition - then talk of a second referendum will probably die down to a dull roar for the time being. But, I suppose we'll just have to wait and see.

    Thursday, December 11, 2014

    Mr. Salmond Goes to Westminster (Or Maybe Not)

    Alex Salmond is going to be running for the Gordon constituency in Westminster - the British, not Scottish, Parliament - next May. He's going to be a candidate for a seat in a legislative body in which he publicly, openly, and rather obnoxiously didn't believe that Scotland should even be a part of as recently as three months ago. For those who don't remember my exhaustive coverage of the secession referendum, Alex Salmond...


    ... is the dynamo of charisma and optimism seated in the back seat in the above photo.

    Be still my aching heart.

    Friday, September 19, 2014

    Scottish Secession: And Suddenly, It Ends


    Well, it's all over. A convincing majority of Scots have voted to maintain their union with the United Kingdom. Contrary to the prediction made by Captain John when I spoke with him this morning, Alex Salmond will resign as Scotland's First Minister later this year, having failed to deliver the result he had campaigned on for the last six years. Even though Scotland will remain part of the United Kingdom, Westminster will continue to devolve additional authority to Holyrood. As I mentioned in my previous post on this topic, I actually suspect that this was Salmond's goal, though his gamble failed to pay off.

    The first person I spoke with this morning was The Director, who was quite relieved. He believes that this will lead to a healthy federalization of the United Kingdom, so that Scots will handle specifically Scottish affairs, while the other constituent nations (England, Wales, and Northern Ireland) will do the same, in various manners; he was quick to note that individual national parliaments on the Scottish model would not be necessary, though some facility for accomplishing this would be developed for each constituent nation. The four nations will join together in making those decisions that impact the United Kingdom as a whole. It will be fascinating to watch how this plays out in the coming years.

    I listen to Around Orkney every morning on my way to work, and one of the best quotes I've heard about the referendum results came from one particular election observer (I hope I've not gotten his name wrong):
    "I think the signal that's being sent, and I think it'll be sent from the whole of Scotland, is that we have got to recognize that power mustn't be concentrated in the south, so there's going to be change in Scotland anyway, and I hope it'll be good for Orkney."
    - Hugh Halder Johnson, Orcadian ballot count observer
    You can see the raw numbers here, or see the statistics in map form here. Some of the statistics I found most interesting were as follows:

  • Of thirty-two individual constituencies, only Glasgow, Dundee, Inverclyde, West Dunbartonshire, and North Lanarkshire voted for secession, with Dundee leading the pack at 57.35%.
  • Much to my delight, Orkney satisfied a long shot prediction I made to my mother last week by voting more than two-to-one against secession - 67.20%, the highest "no" percentage of any council area. Orkney's turnout was 83.7% of eligible voters. Orkney was the first to declare their turnout and the second to (officially) declare their results.
  • For their parts, Shetland voted 63.71% against; Aberdeen City voted 58.61% against; Aberdeenshire voted 60.36% against.
  • Overall turnout for the referendum was 84.6% of eligible voters, which included constituents sixteen years of age and older.

    Once Orkney had announced its results (which happened earlier than most folks had predicted), E tagged me into a post on Facebook. He and another guy I knew from the university said a bit later that Edinburgh, East Lothian, and Stirling appeared to be leaning "no", and at that point I allowed myself to relax just a bit. I wouldn't say that my sleep was restful, but it was sufficient, and I was overjoyed when I awoke to learn of the news - having made a concerted effort to avoid the results before I went to bed.

    Key figures and prominent businesses have been reacting to the results. In my final pre-referendum post, I noted that a number of businesses had pledged to leave Scotland in the event of a "yes" vote. Several of the business I mentioned made the following statements:
    Clydesdale Bank: "Business as usual, with strong roots in Scotland."

    Standard Life: "We have no plans to move any part of our business out of Scotland."

    Royal Bank of Scotland: "Following the result, it is business as usual for all our customers across UK and RBS."
    Most of what I've been catching up on today has been from the BBC. Here are some of the highlights that aren't already linked above:

  • Scotland votes 'No': How the 'No' side won the referendum
  • Scottish referendum: The morning after the No before
  • Scottish referendum: North east and Northern Isles vote "No"

    A comic artist and humorist whose work I sometimes enjoy is J.J. McCullough. McCullough is based in Vancouver, Canada, and typically writes on a mix of Canadian and American political issues. Yesterday, he wrote an interesting critique of the referendum and its origin entitled Why does Scotland want to leave?; it leans a little bit further into the realms of sociology than I tend to, but he makes an interesting case, and even though the referendum is over, it's worth reading.

    I ran across a couple of videos today. Apparently some pranksters erected a Scottish passport control checkpoint...


    ... and one of my friends tagged me into a Facebook link to a video from The Guardian entitled Scottish referendum explained for non-Brits; it's an adequate, if tongue-in-cheek, explanation of what was going on, though I would have spun a few things a bit differently. For context, though, you can't go wrong with CGP Grey's excellent video entitled How Scotland Joined Great Britain, which I've posted previously.

    I expect that this will be my penultimate post on the topic. As fate would have it, one of my best friends is a teacher, and he decided to call me on Thursday in order to put me on speakerphone so that I could tell his high school history class about the referendum. It may have been done elsewhere, but I think that there's merit in briefly discussing the overall history that got Scotland to this point in history.

    * * *

    Credit for Photo #1: Yours truly.
    Credit for Photo #2: source, © 2014 Leanne Boulton, all rights reserved.
    Credit for Photo #3: source, © 2014 INNES/pentlandpirate, all rights reserved.
  • Friday, September 12, 2014

    Scottish Secession: Final Deliberations

    We're down to less than a week until the referendum, and there's a lot to catch up on. This will most likely be my last post on the topic before the referendum, the day after which I'll post some of my thoughts.

    Early this week, the big news was that the Yes(!) campaign polled ahead of Better Together for the first time. This seems to have taken just about everyone by surprise. Although the nationalists were bound to close the gap to some degree, they've consistently polled so much lower that their ability to win even a single poll came as a surprise. (There are rumors that there was a coordinated effort by nationalist activists to mob the YouGov poll, but I can't speak to this aside from reporting the rumors.) Since then, al Jazeera has reported twice (1, 2) that regardless of that one YouGov poll, the Scots are likely to vote to remain within the United Kingdom by a six point margin. British bookies tend to be a surprisingly reliable indicator of coming events, and it looks like the betting pools were unconvinced by the YouGov poll.

    Although the betting markets weren't affected, the financial markets were: the British economy took a significant hit upon the announcement of that YouGov poll. A couple of weeks ago, varying businesses were either questioning or endorsing secession. Meanwhile, there were reports (1, 2) that Scotland would be unable to join the European Union without a central bank, or without its own currency, neither of which are included in the SNP's stated plan. The list of companies that have pledged to leave Scotland in the event of a secession vote, or simply warned of negative economic consequences, has also grown. These include: the Kingfisher Group, John Lewis, Asda (the British incarnation of WalMart), and Marks and Spencer; the Royal Bank of Scotland; Sainsbury's and Virgin; Clydesdale Bank and Standard Life; Tesco Bank, TSB, and Lloyds. Aside from these warnings about relocation and/or price increases for Scottish consumers, the warnings from the Royal Bank of Scotland (RBS) and Clydesdale Bank should be clarion calls, as these are two of the three banks that issue Scotland's bank notes. (Most sterling is issued by the Bank of England, but Scottish banks issue their own bank notes; Bank of England notes are accepted but uncommon in Scotland, whereas the Scottish notes can be difficult to spend outside Scotland.) The idea that Scotland would keep the pound sterling when two of the three Scottish banks that issue it plan to vacate Scotland in the event of a "yes" vote should be unnerving to the nationalists.

    Oil continues to be in the news. Better Together Orkney reposted the accompanying comic from a Scottish newspaper, which takes jabs at both the SNP's estimates of remaining oil, and presumably at First Minister Alex Salmond himself. The BBC recently ran a fairly balanced and diplomatic headline: Scottish independence: Experts set out oil prediction views. However, those who make the claims of a future renewed Scottish oil boom seem to do so without presenting any evidence to support their claims, and tax revenue from North Sea energy exploitation has fallen in recent years. In fact, Better Together has recently and devastatingly highlighted a six billion pound shortfall in the SNP's proposed post-independence budget, a gap that would impact the welfare state that the SNP has repeatedly promised as the result of a "yes" vote.

    Unfortunately, with the vote fast approaching, the rhetoric has devolved in the last few days. I've discussed the referendum with two friends from back in the old country, and received these thoughts, which I won't attribute:
    "Scotland’s not much fun at the moment. It’s all very divisive and I’m hoping earnestly that the Nats will not prevail. On the plus side it’s a lovely day."

    * * *

    "I'm worried. I'm quite happy with the way things are right now, so I don't want change. The independence referendum is dividing families at the moment because some members are voting yes and some are voting no. It's quite serious."
    Conduct has been a bone of contention lately. One of the issues that First Minister Salmond and his party have been most vocal about is the so-called "Bedroom Tax"; last week, Better Together highlighted the fact that when a vote to repeal the bedroom tax was recently held in Westminster, all of the SNP's members of parliament were no-shows.

    In another story from last week - this one Orkney-related - the Chairman of NHS Orkney, John Ross Scott was made to apologize for comments made in the Press and Journal favoring independence. Aside from questioning the veracity of his claims about the future of the NHS under an independent Scotland, Orcadians at the Better Together Orkney page offered their varied skepticism:
    "If that is the case council leaders and other high profile people who have been told to keep quiet by the YeSNP should be able to give their "personal" opinions. (link)"

    * * *

    "Give the man a sweety Alex."

    * * *

    "I don't have a problem with JR-S expressing a view and making it clear that it's not the corporate view of NHS Orkney. Where there's a difference as between him and a Steven Heddle or a Bill Stout is that the latter are ultimately accountable at the ballot box whereas JR-S is not. I think that means JR-S just has to be incredibly careful about how he prefaces what he says."

    * * *

    "JRS's view are well known which is fine. Whether he should use (or has used) the Chair position as a pulpit to politicise is a different question altogether, especially as the truth of this statement is very far from clear."
    The first comment alludes to repeated allegations of bullying and attempts to stifle debate on the part of the Yes(!) campaign. Personally, I question whether anyone in the public sphere, as Mr. Ross Scott is, can claim to give their "personal view" - the comment about using his position as the chairman of NHS Orkney as a soapbox for advancing an agenda that a private citizen couldn't rings particularly true.

    This week, something unprecedented happened: the leaders of the United Kingdom's three major parties, the Conservatives, Labo(u)r, and the Liberal Democrats, made a joint trip to Scotland to urge a "no" vote. According to a report I heard on the BBC Global News podcast on Friday (probably from one of the Thursday editions, if I remember correctly), they were greeted by protestors, some of whom went so far as to say that those who were against independence "weren't welcome in Scotland". Late in the week, former SNP deputy Jim Sillars was quoted as threatening a "day of reckoning" for those businesses that were urging a "no" vote, even going to far as to threaten the nationalization of their businesses in the event of a "yes" vote - again, hardly the conduct one would expect of responsible leaders.

    One questions whether the endorsements of newspaper editorial boards carry the same weight that they once did, but essentially every newspaper, to include The Scotsman, The Financial Times and The Guardian, have endorsed a "no" vote. The Guardian's editorial endorsing the Union carried the following tagline: "Nationalism is not the answer to social injustice. For that fundamental reason, we urge Scots to vote no to independence next week."

    (I would be remiss if I didn't honor CN Ness, himself a passionate Better Together campaigner, by noting that while China is wary of Scottish independence, Kim Jong Un of North Korea has allegedly endorsed secession.)

    I've read it, and I question whether it carries any information that I haven't already covered ad nauseum, but CNN ran an article earlier this week entitled Scotland's vote on independence: What you need to know.

    It's quite long, and I haven't had a chance to read it, but the BBC did something I've been waiting for someone to do: they actually got someone to write a thoughtful, detailed analysis of how the Scots came to this point. It discusses the political history of recent decades, as well as some of the reasons why Scots feel alienated from and/or subordinate to England and the rest of the United Kingdom. It's written by Allan Little, and it's entitled Scotland's Decision.

    I've been covering this referendum here on the blog for a very long time now - going on two years, in fact - and as this is the last post before the referendum, I want to share some observations before I close this post. These may be a bit stream of consciousness, and they're not as organized as I'd normally work toward, but hopefully they'll give some insight into what I've observed and come to conclude over the course of the last two years.

    1) One of the most frequently repeated complaints I've heard from the nationalists is that Scots are tired of voting in elections, only to see their votes ignored and Conservative governments elected to Westminster. Scotland is a reliably Labo(u)r constituency, and like various other constituencies in the United States with which I'm familiar, the nationalists don't seem to understand two concepts. The first of these is that, regardless of whether Labo(u)r is in government (under the parliamentary system, of course), the Scots are still being represented in the minority, and their MPs still get to vote. In other words, it's not an all-or-nothing system, parliamentary politics is specifically designed to maximize the influence of the political minority. In fact, I suspect that there are many English Conservative voters who could have said the same thing during the tenures of Tony Blair and Gordon Brown; unfortunately, that's the way democracy works, and although it's flawed, it's better than the alternatives - in fact, it was Winston Churchill himself who said that "democracy is the worst form of government, except for all the others." The other concept that the nationalists don't seem to understand is that any government will be more responsive to swing constituencies than to reliable constituencies, regardless of whether those constituencies are demographic or geographic in nature. In essence, the disconnect between the Conservatives and the Scots has been a self-fulfilling prophecy for decades, and for no particular reason that I can discern.

    2) It could be because I'm American and there's far more difference between the Democrats and Republics than there seems to be between Labo(u)r and the Conservatives in the United Kingdom, but I really can't wrap my head around the irrational hatred that Scots seem to have for the Conservative party. They most frequently mention their hatred of Maggie Thatcher, their reason being Thatcher's institution of the Community Charge, which they pejoratively refer to as the "Poll Tax". I've heard many of the nationalists claim that Maggie Thatcher was making a concerted effort to deliberately harm Scotland by instituting the "Poll Tax" in Scotland first, apparently oblivious to the fact that Scotland was the logical place to first implement the system for a number of reasons. They also seem to completely ignore that the Community Charge was the predecessor of the present day Council Tax system that they all take for granted. Perhaps someone will give me a more comprehensive explanation someday, but given the intellectual depth of the Yes(!) campaign's rhetoric, I'm skeptical that that will happen.

    3) The SNP and its supporters portray Scotland as an oppressed colony of England, rather than acknowledging the historic partnership between Scotland and the other component nations of the United Kingdom. When lamenting Scotland's alleged lack of influence in the United Kingdom, they constantly ignore the disproportionately widespread representation that Scots enjoy in various UK government ministries, to include the fact that the United Kingdom's most recent Prime Minister, Gordon Brown, is a Scot. In fact, Better Together leader Alistair Darling was Labo(u)r's Chancellor of the Exchequer (the United Kingdom's version of the Secretary of the Treasury) - a position arguably more influential than that of the Prime Minister.

    4) One thing that continues to frustrate me - and the same thing frustrates me in American elections, so I suppose I'm being consistent - is that the entire independence agenda revolves around the welfare state. The infamous SNP white paper, Scotland's Future, along with all of the SNP's rhetoric, is little more than a utopian laundry list of government-funded social services, financed by the nebulous promise of limitless oil wealth, and wrapped in a decorative package of faux populism and rose-tinted nationalism. Having studied history, strategy, and international relations, it boggles my mind that the Yes(!) campaign can be having a last minute surge in popularity when it's quite obvious that the responsibilities and challenges of seceding from a successful three hundred year union with the rest of the United Kingdom have yet to be addressed, or even considered.

    5) In addition, the argument for secession displays a paradoxical historical disconnect. On the one hand, voters are mainly basing their votes (for or against) upon how secession would benefit or harm them in the next five or ten years, rather than the long term. Better Together tends to talk about the risks and the uncertainties, and seldom discusses how much better Scotland's grandchildren and great-grandchildren will be as members of a United Kingdom. The Yes(!) campaigners promise the moon and stars for the next five or ten years, never discussing what Scotland will do about its current challenges, or the challenges it's set to face in the future. For such a historically consequential vote, one would think that a discussion of the long-term ramifications would be a higher priority than it appears to be, particularly for the Yes(!) campaign. Despite discussing a nebulous future, there seems to be little consideration of how the vote will impact future generations, or even something as simple as how future generations will be impacted by the end of the oil supply. I find that highly frustrating, because I love Scotland and I want it to be successful and prosperous. Instead, I believe that a "yes" vote would put Scotland in serious danger of becoming another Ireland, a nation which I suspect few would care to emulate on a political of macroeconomic basis.

    6) I also find it exceptionally frustrating that First Minister Salmond has been caught out for a variety of lies and distortions, and it doesn't seem to make any difference. This goes for the false claims about Scotland's future status with NATO, the European Union, the pound sterling, the post-secession budget... The list goes on. The whole thing is incomprehensible.

    7) In all honesty, I think that much of what's happened in the last year and a half has been the result of Alex Salmond being called out on a bluff. When Holyrood and Westminster were negotiating the terms of the referendum, Salmond wanted two questions on the ballot: the first would address whether Scotland should leave the United Kingdom, while the other would address further devolution of powers from Westminster to Holyrood. Westminster rejected that suggestion and said that the referendum would be one question, yes or no. I suspect that Salmond may have really been pushing for devolution, but had backed himself into a rhetorical corner and felt that he had no choice but to go all in. In addition, support for secession has always been contingent upon mutually exclusive conditions, which has precluded Salmond and his subordinates from being sufficiently clear on their alleged plans for fear of losing support from one voting bloc or another. In my opinion, a man of integrity would have, at some point, walked back from the brink and said, "I can't do this, this is bad for Scotland and, as a Scottish patriot, I can't do something that would damage my nation." In a few days, we'll find out whether Prime Minister David Cameron was right to call Salmond's bluff, or if Cameron's gamble will backfire and damage Scotland in the process. Regardless, the cynic in me (who, I might add, tends to be right) believes that Alex Salmond, like too many elected officials throughout the world, is a politiican concerned with what's best for his party and his career, rather than a statesman whose sole concern is for the welfare of his nation.

    So, those are my thoughts. I suspect few Scottish voters, if any, will actually read this, but if you do and you're undecided: please vote "no". I've lived in Scotland, and I love Scotland. I want Scotland to be prosperous and successful as a nation. From the outside looking in, and based upon my lifelong study of history and strategy, I see no way in which the universal desire for Scotland's prosperous future is in any way compatible with its secession from the United Kingdom under the circumstances outlined by the SNP. I have seen no evidence that Alex Salmond has a credible plan, a credible budget, a credible strategy for the Scots to govern themselves; if there were a plan and I just disagreed with it, that would be one thing, but the Scotland's Future white paper isn't worth the paper it's printed on. When you go to the polls on Thursday, please, please, do what's best for Scotland by voting to remain a partner in one of history's most successful and productive political unions. Scotland and its partners in the United Kingdom are truly better together. Please, please, please, vote to sustain that partnership.

    Wednesday, September 3, 2014

    Scottish Secession: Two Weeks Left

    "This debate has raged around money for years! The English have been saying, 'Yeah! We subsidize you, and we needed that money for our own hospitals!' and Scots were like, 'Yeah! And you took our oil, and we needed that for cookin' chips!'"
    - Bruce Fummey
    In July and August, the BBC ran several audio segments about the impending referendum on their Global News and Newshour podcasts, which I listen to at work. One particular segment featured the that quote from Scottish comedian Bruce Fummey, so I figured I'd share it as a rare example of the lighter side of the referendum debate. That reminds me, I need to figure out how to make my own chips, cheese, and chicken fillet (pronounced "fill-it" - even the Scots love mispronouncing French words) like they did at Lionel's...

    The BBC asks: Scottish independence: Does the rest of the UK care? In true BBC fashion, it says a lot without actually saying very much. However, in my last post on this topic, I discussed defense issues, and there are indications that Scotland's absence from the Union would be felt in the Ministry of Defen[c]e. General Sir Richard Shirreff is a Scot, a recently retired British Army officer, and the recently retired NATO Deputy Supreme Allied Commander Europe. In a recent op-ed on the SNP's controversial white paper, he described its defense pronouncements as "amateurish, unrealistic and lacking any clear strategic purpose". He notes:
    As for the nuclear issue, NATO is a nuclear-armed alliance and all NATO states must accept the principle of nuclear deterrence and being part of the NATO nuclear command and control system. Whilst the SNP may accept the principle of nuclear deterrence, it remains unclear how other members of NATO will view the disruption to the coherence of NATO defence caused by moving the submarine fleet out of Scottish waters[...] There is no mention of any naval aviation (yet Scotland would need a primarily naval force), no mention of air-to-air refuelling capability, no Mountain Rescue and no Search & Rescue capability[...] In particular, the financial services industry benefits from the robust protection provided against increasingly dangerous and sophisticated cyber threats. Customers and markets must have confidence in Scotland’s ability to transact safely and securely. Not only does the White Paper fail to make any provision to deal with this threat, it doesn’t even recognise it.
    Those are the arguments I find most pressing, but his piece is brief and it's worth reading in full.

    Gizmodo has an interesting, albeit far too long, aritlce on what will happen to the Union flag if Scotland secedes. It's really long, and I hope to go back and read it in full soon.

    I've repeatedly tried to highlight elements of the Orcadian perspective with respect to the referendum. Last week, Deputy First Minister Nicola Sturgeon (First Minister Salmond's deputy) visited Orkney, and she was interviewed by Robbie Fraser. For the time being, you can listen to the interview on BBC Radio Orkney's Soundcloud page. Mr. Fraser does an excellent job, in a way that he's uniquely qualified to do, of gently but decisively calling Ms. Sturgeon out for the outlandish claims of the Yes(!) campaign. I found it particularly interesting when Ms. Sturgeon, whose party is keen on selling Scotland as a rich (and well governed by the SNP!) nation that can have it all if only it were independent, but she blames budget cuts on recent shortfalls in frontline policing. On Friday, Better Together Orkney quite sensibly noted:
    The SNP today patronisingly claimed Orkney was "waking up" to Yes. As their case for independence crumbles - with no answers on currency, no answers on EU membership, dangerous economic over-reliance on volatile oil prices and scaremongering over the NHS - hollow rhetoric is all they have left.
    On the topic of Deputy First Minister Sturgeon, she's also just taken the position that she'll never support requiring tuition fees for Scottish students. This is a particularly prickly issue for me, as I paid a lot of money for my tuition and fees, and worked really hard as a result to ensure that I got a return on my investment. CN Black Sheep was the same way, he was paying out of hide and he was always on time and always busting his ass. Two of my coursemates, CN Ness and CN Homeboy, were Scots who qualified for free tuition, and I'm not sure whether they paid any tuition and fees (given that it was postgraduate study), but at the very least they were heavily subsidized. They were great guys and they did good work, but their attitudes reflected the fact that they didn't have much/any skin in the game. Free tuition is a wonderful benefit for Scottish students, but it produces the same problems that similar programs do here in the States: first, that you/the government still has to pay for it somehow; and second, that when something is free, people don't appreciate its value. The social drawbacks of free tuition aside, this is yet another case of the SNP promising the moon and stars without a credible plan to finance it.

    We're down to the two week mark.

    Thursday, August 28, 2014

    Scottish Secession: The Final Countdown Begins

    When I first started writing on this topic, I collected enough information to write a post about the secession debate once every other month or so. As the referendum quickly approaches, the news stories are presenting themselves rather frequently.

    As I've noted on many occasions, the lynchpin of the SNP's economic case for secession is Scotland's oil wealth. The question of whether this is the United Kingdom's oil wealth, Scotland's oil wealth, or Shetland's oil wealth. The BBC has carried a number of articles on this question recently. In one, they analyzed how much oil is left; they subsequently noted that a commission of the Scottish government seriously questioned the continued viability of Scotland's energy industry. The commission was answering a figured from the industry body Oil and Gas UK published in the SNP's independence white paper. These figures were subsequently defended by two academics at Aberdeen's Robert Gordon University. (I personally question the objectivity of Oil and Gas UK, and I also question the quality of the scholarship at Aberdeen's second best (of two) university, but you can draw your own conclusions.) The debate calls the viability of Scotland's social welfare state into question, but that didn't stop SNP Deputy First Minister Nicola Sturgeon from unilaterally predicting a new oil boom for Shetland during her recent visit to the Northern Isles. Comments from Sir Ian Wood - Scotland's leading North Sea energy expert - are, in my opinion, more compelling than Ms. Sturgeon's optimism.

    Ancillary to the direct question of oil and its role in financing a notionally independent Scotland, the question of whether independence would benefit or handicap Scottish businesses has been a prominent one. A number of prominent businesses have either raised a variety of pressing, unanswered questions, or flatly endorsed the Union, claiming that secession would harm Scottish industries. A few months ago, I noted in one particular post that CitiGroup had publicly announced that First Minister Salmond's proposed currency union with the remainder of the United Kingdom was unlikely, and I also posted a graphic from Better Together that I considered a "narrative win for Better Together". The proposed currency union has become a prominent campaign issue, as Salmond has flatly refused to outline what his "Plan B" for a Scottish currency might be (assuming, as most appear to, that the proposed currency union doesn't happen). Better Together have reused the prior format to outline the number of organizations that disagree with First Minister Salmond's pronouncements, and his response:


    Another element of the debate has been whether Scotland is subsidized, or subsidizes the rest of the United Kingdom. The BBC has a great article on the topic, and it concludes that for all intents and purposes, the answer is that Scotland receives more than it pays in; however, it admits that there are ways to spin the hard numbers in which you could draw the opposite conclusion, and that spin is what First Minister Salmon relies upon.

    The aforementioned issue of Shetland's proximity to the North Sea oil is an interesting one. The Northern and Western Isles have long been cool to the idea of independence, in large part because they feel that the SNP has consolidated social and infrastructure spending into the Central Belt for the benefit of the significant voting blocs in Edinburgh and Glasgow. As I've mentioned in earlier posts, Orcadians and Shetlanders maintain a sort of spiritual connection to Scandinavia, as opposed to Edinburgh. (Norway and Sweden maintain consulates in Kirkwall, and there's a Centre for Narrative Studies right next to the Northlink Ferries office.) The Northern and Western Isles will almost certainly vote to stay a part of the United Kingdom; as one Yes(!) voter told me while I was living in Kirkwall, "most Orcadians are Tories in Liberal Democrats' clothing".

    I've already discussed the Our Islands, Our Future campaign. In April, a petition was introduced at the Scottish Parliament that would have allowed Orkney, Shetland, and the Western Isles to vote in a referendum one week after the upcoming national referendum on whether to remain a part of Scotland, or to become independent in their own right. To some degree, this is canny political maneuvering on the part of the Northern and Western Isles' politicians, but it reflects an ambivalence toward the SNP that I witnessed quite frequently while living in Orkney, and which stems from years of being treated as an afterthought by the SNP-controlled Scottish government. The Telegraph notes that this might serve as a precursor to remaining affiliated with the United Kingdom.

    As a Wikipedia article citing the Washington Post, Reuters and The Guardian notes:
    If the Scottish vote "yes" on their upcoming referendum, it has been suggested that the Northern Isles could pursue a campaign for independence or to remain part of the United Kingdom as a British Overseas Territory. The same also applies to the Outer Hebrides (or Western Isles). Some have called for the referendum to be held on 25 September 2014, one week after the Scottish independence referendum. This could also include other Scottish isles such as Arran (North Ayrshire), who are noted as being Unionist.
    This poses a significant challenge for the SNP. The case for an independent Scotland is built on two fundamental principles: the right to self determination, which the SNP is essentially denying the Northern and Western Isles by denying their petition for a local referendum; and the promise of North Sea oil wealth - Shetland's oil wealth - that they need in order to provide the welfare state necessary to sell most Scots on the idea. While I suspect that most mainland Scots aren't paying much attention, others certainly are.

    As I've noted before, one of my biggest criticisms of the Yes(!) campaign and the SNP's white paper is that it basically ignores defense. Last November, I cited a (now defunct) article that boiled some of First Minister Salmond's comments down to reveal that the SNP's defense posture would scarcely allow them to defend Inverness. Last month, I noted that the SNP's plan for an intelligence agency (that some commentators dubbed "McMI5") was lambasted as nonsense.

    War on the Rocks ran a really good article that further discusses the shortfalls of the SNP's defense planning. One common critique has been that while First Minister Salmond and his allies claim (without any actual evidence) that the SNP will enjoy abbreviated accession into NATO, an alliance that is nuclear by its very nature, the SNP itself is avowedly anti-nuclear. A central tenet of the SNP's case for independence is that they could evict the British nuclear deterrent from the Faslane naval base and recognize a nebulous savings through uninvolvement with the pending replacement of the Vanguard class submarines. This alleged savings could then be funneled into - say it with me now - more social welfare programs.

    One of Better Together's effective criticisms of Salmond is that his promises for what the notional savings could finance far outstrips the relatively modest annual investment in Trident that Scotland actually makes. As the graphic notes, "We all know you can't spend the same money twice."

    The Royal United Services Institute, the United Kingdom's most prominent defense think tank, throws more cold water on Salmond's claims about Trident. You can read their white paper on the topic here. Meanwhile, both the current and former Secretaries General of NATO have deflated the SNP's case for a quick accession to NATO in the event of a "yes" vote. According to the current NATO Secretary General, Anders Fogh Rasmussen:
    "In the case that Scotland voted in favor of independence, then Scotland would have to apply for membership of NATO as a new, independent state. Some aspiring countries have waited for many years[...] A decision on accession would have to be taken by unanimity, by concensus, as always in NATO."
    Meanwhile, a bunch of my ignorant countrymen, whose "Scottish heritage" is likely little more than a vague notion and who likely have never even been to Scotland, overwhelmingly favor Scottish independence. Given that the BBC was interviewing Californians, I suspect they've merely seen Braveheart a few too many times.

    I saw two additional items of interest. First, polling (albeit polling advertised by Better Together) suggests that sixty-five percent of voters over fifty plan to vote "no" - significant because I suspect that, even with people aged as young as sixteen being eligible to vote in the referendum, I suspect that more of the older Scots will vote (as do older Americans), and that they probably represent a larger demographic due to recent social trends in the United Kingdom and Europe at large. I also found it interesting that many local councils have banned both campaigns from most Scottish schools. There have been a variety of debates on the topic, as one would expect. As I write this, Shetland has just held a debate, and Orkney will be holding another debate next Thursday focused on the referendum's impact on farmers. I posted another Orkney-based debate in my last Scottish Secession post. In mid-August, Better Together lead Alistair Carmichael debated First Minister Salmond, and was widely seen to have presented a more compelling argument for Union. Earlier this week, they were rematched and despite Salmond's boorish behavior, snap polls declared him the winner of that particular exchange; however, Salmond is known to be mercurial in his demeanor, and the personality he displayed in the debate in question is said to alienate constituents, so it's questionable whether this week's performance helped or hindered the Yes(!) campaign. There apparently isn't a video available as there was with the previous STV debate, but a less prominent debate in Inverurie (near Aberdeen) can be viewed here.

    First Minister Salmond and his associates have less than a month to convince the Scottish voters that they have a legitimate plan to govern. I remain convinced that Salmond and the SNP have no credible plan, that they don't even actually believe most of the words that proceed from their own mouths, and that the Yes(!) campaign is built on a shoddy foundation of emotion, in lieu of any hard facts. I suspect that Salmond and his team will be able to provide little to dissuade me - or the majority of Scottish voters - in the next three and a half weeks.

    Saturday, August 2, 2014

    Scottish Secession: Early August Update

    Alright, folks, here's your latest update on the Scottish secession debate. We're down to less than two months until the September 18th referendum, and here are some of the recent developments.

    As I've noted previously, the SNP's financial forecast depends largely on Scotland's economy benefitting from steady or increasing oil revenues. The Chief Secretary to the (United Kingdom) Treasury, Danny Alexander, recently called the SNP's oil forecasts "fantastical", contrasting them with official forecasts. Those official forecasts predict a decline of up to a quarter between 2020 and 2041, specifically impacting government finances. These forecasts join repeated UK and independent forecasts calling the long-term future of North Sea energy production into question.

    The BBC has also asked sort of an interesting question: Why does Salmond make referendum speeches in England? Also from the BBC, and it will only be available for a few more days, but the Newshour program did nearly a full show on the upcoming referendum. You can download it here.

    In my last Scottish secession post, I noted that there had been a number of business leaders who had complained of bullying by the SNP. One such individual is Gavin Hewitt, former chief executive of the Scotch Whisky Association; a few days before I wrote that last post, his successor David Frost said that he hadn't been bullied, and claimed that he had been party to "vigorous discussions" on both sides of the debate.

    In another development, two convicted Scottish killers lost their appeal to be granted the right to vote in the referendum. The Scottish Government welcomed the ruling. I feel like the jokes write themselves on that one.

    As I may have noted before, a number of other European regions are keeping their eye on the Scottish referendum. These regions' designs on independence are one of the main reasons why commentators are so skeptical of First Minister Salmond's assertion that Scotland will enjoy abbreviated accession to the European Union. Some of the heavy hitters in the EU will have a vested interest in preventing that very thing from happening.

    Finally, I wanted to share something I ran across the other day which takes us back to my beloved island paradise of Orkney. Earlier this year, the BBC hosted a debate on the referendum at the Pickaquoy Cent(re) in Kirkwall. It's about an hour long, and well worth your time to watch if you're curious about this topic:


    First Minister Salmond and his political allies have less than two months to convince Scottish voters that they have a credible plan and, moreso, that Scots would be better off in perpetuity if inexorably liberated from their longstanding Union with the rest of the United Kingdom. The wait continues, and the time prior to the vote dwindles.

    Friday, July 11, 2014

    Scottish Secession: Early July Update

    As we close in on the two month mark before the referendum, here's what's been happening lately.

    A European court has ruled (by precedent) that, contrary to SNP claims, a disunited Britain won't be obligated to subsidize Scottish wind farms. The precedent was set when the court backed Sweden's refusal to subsidize a Finnish wind farm.

    One of my favorite global security blogs introduces a disturbing harbinger, given my newfound penchant for whisky: the currency crisis caused by Scottish secession would necessarily disrupt the price of whisky, particularly for those outside of Scotland whose purchase of whisky is dependent upon stable exchange rates. There's also no word from the SNP on how an independent Scotland, which would have virtually no navy, would be able to protect its sea lines of communication to ship the whisky to America. That leads into another issue of note: according to the Telegraph, Alex Salmond's intelligence plan 'contains entirely meaningless figures and fundamental flaws'.

    Respected analysts are predicting that falling North Sea oil revenues will impact Scotland's budget; per his usual response, First Minister Salmond has responded that these figures are merely "stuff and nonsense", without providing any further reason to doubt his opponents' claims. Unfortunately for First Minister Salmond, even the SNP's fallback example of Norway, which they strive to emulate, is beginning to face challenges with its own petroleum-dependent social welfare model. In an older story, there was a bit of a row earlier this Spring when the Aberdeen City Council sent letters to its constituents encouraging a "No" vote on the referendum. There have also been a number of folks who have come forward and said that they've been subject to intimidation by the SNP, one such figure being author J.K. Rowling; the SNP's defense is that they're the victim of an MI5 smear campaign to discredit them.

    First Minister Salmond and his associates have just over two months to convince the Scottish voters that they have a legitimate plan to govern. Time is running out, and shenanigans such as these do little to encourage confidence.

    Saturday, June 28, 2014

    Orkney, Shetland, and Secession

    While I haven't been in a position to blog lately, I've been doing my best to keep abreast of the Northern Isles' sentiments on the impending secession referendum. There have been several developments of note lately.

    A couple of weeks ago, Scottish First Minister and SNP front man Alex Salmond visited Orkney to talk address the Our Islands, Our Future campaign (of which I've spoken previously)...
    First Minister Alex Salmond has set out new powers proposed for Scotland's island authorities, in the event of a yes vote in September's referendum. Speaking in Orkney at lunchtime he said the proposals recognised the unique contribution that island communities make to modern Scotland. Under the plans Orkney, Shetland and the Western Isles would receive 100% of net revenues from seabed leases for developments such as renewable energy and fish farming. Orkney + Shetland MP and Scottish Secretary Alistair Carmichael described the proposals as a 'naked bribe'.
    ... and was simultaneously protested by a local councillor:
    Stromness and south isles councillor Maurice Davidson has used the opening ceremony for Copland's Dock to make a point to First Minister Alex Salmond. While Mr Salmond was carrying out the opening ceremony Mr Davidson appeared sailing a traditional Orkney yole with a message for the First Minister hanging from the mast. The protest continued as Mr Davidson sailed around the pier displaying his message about replacement ferries for the county.
    The message on the sign alludes to some issues I've discussed here and here. The sign suggests that islands that are strong SNP constituencies receive better funding for their ferry services, while Orkney and Shetland (which vote fairly consistently for the Liberal Democrats) are marginalized in this regard. As I've mentioned previously, in the unlikely event that Scots vote to secede from the United Kingdom, there's talk of Orkney and Shetland remaining part of the United Kingdom, or even becoming independent themselves. (Shetland was specifically highlighted in a recent edition of the BBC's Global News Podcast, at 23:26 - it should be available until mid-July 2014 before it's taken offline.)

    With the referendum less than three months away, time is quickly running out for Alex Salmond and the SNP to convince voters that they have a viable plan. While I'm obviously ineligible to vote in the referendum, I nonetheless remain unconvinced.

    Friday, March 7, 2014

    Scottish Secession: A Narrative Win for Better Together

    On Sunday, Critical Mass shared something from the Better Together campaign's Facebook page, and I immediately loved it, because it's absolutely dead on. The Scottish National Party and its leader, Alex Salmond, are responsible for convincing Scots (not to mention the rest of Europe and the rest of the world) why Scotland would be better off as an independent state. Thus far, many relevant individuals have raised one issue or another, and their questions and/or concerns have yet to be addressed in any substantive manner. One of the biggest recent issues has been the SNP's claim that Scotland will continue using the British pound, without any corresponding influence on the administration of the pound. First Minister Salmond, his subordinates, and their supporters in the general public answer such questions with vague appeals to patriotism, rather than detailed explanations.

    Later, I saw this article: Shell boss: Scots should stay in UK. The tagline reads: "The chief executive of the oil company Shell says he would like Scotland to 'remain part of the UK'." It seems significant to me that the Scottish nationalists see themselves as a potential petrostate on the order of Norway or Sweden, but the actual energy companies think that secession is a bad idea.

    E posted this article, too: 5 Reasons Why Scottish Independence Would Be A Disaster.

    As I keep writing this post (this is technically now an update, I find more and more items of note to post. For example, the BBC reports that Scottish independence: Citigroup says formal currency union 'unlikely'. Notes the Better Together campaign...
    A new report from Citigroup says it is "astonishing" that Alex Salmond has failed to spell out a Plan B on what would replace the Pound if we left the UK.

    The report goes on to say that 'Scotland's fiscal deficit was "now significantly above UK levels" because of a recent fall in oil revenues.' This is likely to be confirmed by the Scottish Government's own figures next week.

    Alex Salmond wants us to take a big leap into the unknown, but it's a risk we don't have to take. As part of the UK we have the strength, security and stability of the Pound, and can take advantage of North Sea revenues without putting our public services at risk.
    In case you're interested (and on Facebook), you can subscribe to Better Together's Facebook page. In the interest of balance, you can also subscribe to the Yes Campaign. I remain skeptical of the proposed Scottish secession referendum, but I'm also willing to be convinced that the SNP has a plan and a justification for secession. The wait continues, and the SNP is running out of time to convince me or anyone else.

    Thursday, February 13, 2014

    Scottish Secession: Police, Ferries, and Foreign Alliances

    Well, it's time for another update on the prospects for Scottish secession. I've saved a few stories over the last few weeks, and with another story coming up today, I figured I'd clear them off of my docket.

    Scottish First Minister Alex Salmond and his allies have finally released their plan, and there's a revelation from The Independent: Exclusive: Alex Salmond 'hid legal reality of an independent Scotland’s EU status'. One of the frequent disagreements between pro- and anti-secession campaigners is whether an independent Scotland would be admitted into the European Union and NATO. The SNP says that Scotland will be ushered in with open arms, while every objective measure disagrees with these assertions.

    Another issue has been Police Scotland's effort to close a number of control rooms, to include the one in Aberdeen. These control rooms are the equivalent to American 911 dispatch centers. Critics say that such a move would cause specialist fire knowledge to be lost. Aberdeen is a city of more than two hundred thousand, which is pretty significant in a region of about five and a half million people; it's one of Scotland's busiest ports, and the "Energy Capital of Europe", both of which are key elements of the SNP's strategy of turning a notional independent Scotland into a quasi-Nordic petrostate. This follows a continuing SNP policy of centralization of services to Edinburgh and Glasgow, leading opposition politicians to claim that my former home, Aberdeen, is being treated as a "forgotten city" by the Scottish government.

    That sense isn't confined to Aberdeen. While I was in Orkney and since I've left, there was some controversy over the proposed (and subsequently cancelled due to public protest) closure of the Stromness police station. As I've noted previously, Northern Islanders are so skeptical of the Yes Campaign that there's even talk of remaining a part of the United Kingdom should the rest of Scotland vote to secede. I've related it specifically to ferry issues, and having spent the last quarter of 2013 in Orkney, I could talk at length about ferry issues. Instead, I'll just mention that after those prior issues with the MV Hamnavoe, Serco Northlink Ferries employed the freight ship MS Helliar during the Hamnavoe's annual scheduled maintenance in January. While the Helliar is better than the prior provision of nothing during April/May outage, the Helliar carries only twelve passengers to the Hamnavoe's six hundred. I think I may have once been on the day's first sailing on the Pentalina when there were twelve passengers or less; but the idea that the Helliar is an adequate substitute for the Hamnavoe is ridiculous. This reflects upon the SNP and the Scottish Government because there's a prevailing sense among Orcadians that Serco Northlink has tested the Scottish Government, figured out what they could get away with, and have proceeded to make a meal of it. When combined with other issues, like the Stromness police office controversy, I'm not surprised that: 1) Orcadians feel that the SNP is centralizing services and treating them as a politically expendable revenue stream; 2) no Northern Isles MP/MSP is part of the SNP; and 3) in three months, I met a grand total of one secessionist living in Orkney.

    That last paragraph serves as background for this next story: Historic Shetland housing debt more than halved. As I've noted previously, the waning energy reserves that the SNP is counting on to finance a notional independent Scotland is nearly all located adjacent to Shetland - it's Shetland's oil, not Scotland's oil. Both Holyrood (the seat of the Scottish Government) and Westminster (the seat of the United Kingdom's government) are trying to convince the Northern Isles, and specifically the Shetlanders, that they either should or shouldn't support independence. I can't imagine that the matching pledges of cash from both Holyrood and Westminster are anything other than an effort to woo Lerwick in this year's referendum - yes, it's getting close! This follows the early October appointment of Northern Isles MP Alistair Carmichael (himself a Liberal Democrat in the current and controversial coalition government) as Westminster's Secretary of State for Scotland.* I doubt that ten million quid from Holyrood will convince the folks up in Shetland to support the secession bid.

    * I teased CN Ness a bit when it happened he moved to Kirkwall a few weeks after me after being hired as Carmichael's parliamentary assistant. (I still swear that he was copying me by going to Orkney when he did.) Meanwhile, CN Homeboy opined that the very fact that there's a Scottish Secretary in Westminster at all is an indictment against England's imperialistic treatment of Scotland. Though I disagree with it, I can see his point.